An Accidental Blog Post; My Experiences Studying in Maseno University

I was applying for a freelance writing job online, and they needed a 200 word essay on my experiences studying in University. As I was typing the Essay, one thing led to another, and I ended up with a six hundred word essay... enjoy.

I studied Political Science in Kenya’s Maseno University from 2009. Right now, I am waiting to graduate in December. I thoroughly enjoyed my time at the university, where I learnt much about political theory, public policy and political culture. The biggest impact that my university education has had on my life so far is opening my eyes on the political system and culture in Kenya.

As many may be aware, Kenya is a highly fragmented society, divided along tribal or ethnic lines. Kenya did not exist as a polity before the British made it a colony in the early years of the 20^th century, as a result there is little to unite the 43 ethnic communities into one, especially when it comes to politics and general elections that determine who gets to share the “national cake” among the citizenry.

My Political Science degree gave me insight as to why Kenya’s voters are so passionate about voting for their own tribesman into the presidency, since they firmly believe that it is only through doing so that they can guarantee jobs in the public sector, enhanced businesses with the government through tenders, and even government services such as physical infrastructure, hospitals and schools will come to their home areas.

In addition, studying in Maseno University was also a life changing experience for me as a kikuyu. Virtually all of my family and tribe were in the jubilee coalition, headed by the current president Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy, William Ruto. During my time at Maseno, which is located in the Luo country that was and remains an opposition stronghold, I got to understand why many Luos and Luhyas were against another kikuyu president taking over the reins of government.

 The biggest irony about my experiences in school was that when I went to visit my family in my grandparents’ home in Limuru, is that I was castigated as an ODM/CORD supporter. When I went back to school, I would become a TNA/jubilee supporter by default. At the end of the day, I ended up renouncing my hatred and disregard for Kenyans who support a political party or coalition simply because it belongs to their tribe.

I am more nuanced in how I view tribalism and ethnicity in my country as a result, although I am still appalled by ethnic violence and hate speech caused by politics. Thanks to my studies in Maseno university, I now think that ethnicity cannot be solved by uraia, Kenya Ni Mimi Na wewe sort of campaigns. Neither should it be embraced, since more often than not it leads to violence, demonization and hatred of fellow countrymen, as well as a weaker political system as a whole.

 The solution lies in a stronger civil society that can fight for economic and political rights that will benefit all Kenyans regardless of tribe, stronger political parties, understanding of tribalism and the Kenyan history, and possibly closer cultural and social ties between Kenyans of all tribes and races. Even then, it will probably not be enough. Tribalism is rife in every part of the world, from the united kingdom, the Balkan regions, the Middle East and even North America.

 It is more realistic to start by ensuring no one will ever die as a result of politics or belonging to the wrong tribe, as this happens in 2008 after the disputed presidential elections. A Kenya where majority of people feel more Kenyan than kikuyu, meru or taita is probably decades in the future and a pipe dream at the moment.

PRE-ELECTION VIOLENCE IN KENYA: THE CAUSES, AND FUTURE PROSPECTS FOR THE COUNTRY

Over 200 people have died in this year alone as a result of violence between different ethnic communities in Kenya.

This includes in Tana River delta, Mandera, Borabu, Moyale counties, etc. some of the reasons given by those in the know are the fight over scarce resources, politics and spillage from neighbouring countries. (Ethiopia). As usual, this has led to well-choreographed responses from Kenyans and their government.

Shock. Anger. Sackings. And then the usual promises of investigations. And then we move our shock to the next disaster. And everything is forgotten.

But don’t we have a national cohesion and integration commission (NCIC) meant to ensure that this very violence doesn’t occur? I asked myself. Some little research afterwards, I have discovered that the NCIC actually has even a well-researched and well written forty page policy on this very issue. It is aptly named the Kenya Ethnic and Race Relations Policy, and it can be found on their website.

So why are Kenyans still killing themselves, despite all the peace meetings, government policies, education by NGOs, and experiences Kenya has suffered since 1992, and most recently in 2008? It turns out, we are not learning from the past, we are not implementing the Kenya ethnic and relations policy, and we are not changing the same conditions that led to the bloodletting of 2008. In short, we are being very stupid in how we are handling this ethnic relations business.

The Kenya ethnic and race relations policy, is set on the principle of ethnic and racial inclusion, that is, the idea and practice of deliberately ensuring that people from all ethnic and racial groups resident in the nation are represented in

•     employment,
•     governance structures,
•   planning,
•   development initiatives, 
•   public deliberations, 
•      democratic arrangements,
•       and national educational institutions

I will leave you interpret how successful ethnic and racial inclusion has been carried out in your county, and country.

The country remains deeply divided among ethnic lines. As the respected British historian, Professor Niall Ferguson put it in his popular BBC 2012 Reith lectures; there are two types of countries: the inclusive, and extractive. An extractive society is one in which, the government is used by the ruling elite to grab the economic produce from the country and proportionate it amongst themselves. Indeed, in an extractive society, the government is a tick that feeds on the labour of the people. The society cannot develop to its full potential unless people stop seeing control of the government as essential for their employment prospects, economic wellbeing, security and happiness.

There is little doubt in my mind that Kenya is an extractive society. Many kikuyus believe that losing the control of the government and its coercive arms such as police and military will be the beginning of their end, economically and politically. Other tribes also believe that unless they can ascend to the highest pinnacles of power in this country,the perceived poverty, unemployment and insecurity they suffer in comparison to the tribes in power will not be eased.

What does this have to do with tribally instigated violence in Tana delta, I hear you ask. In my opinion, the new constitution has created 47 bastions that will be under the thumb of the majority tribe after the general elections of 2013. 15% of government revenues will be distributed to all counties, and this money will be under the control of whichever county governments will be in place at the time.

It is this control of the county resources, and the contracts, tenders, jobs and influence that is being fought over. Whichever local elites control counties with the resources such as the richly endowed Tana delta, Lake Victoria, oil resources in northern Kenya etc., will be in a prime position to benefit economically beyond their wildest dreams.

Hence they are prepared to shed blood in their quest for power and riches. In my humble opinion, devolved corruption, impunity, balkanization of the country and power is part and parcel of the new dispensation, although no one wants to talk about it.

Not much can be done to stop this, but the national government has a responsibility to ensure that no Kenyan’s life is lost as collateral damage of these power games. It is this wanton destruction of property, and loss of life that must be stopped. Idealistic peace meetings and other policies such as intermarriage, social contact between tribes and national dress etc. will take time to make a dent and promote cohesion and integration, if not complemented by other “realistic policies.” Power sharing arrangements are another potential solution to violence in the counties. The NCIC has advocated for power sharing in no less than 27 counties in next year’s elections. Some of these counties include Nakuru and Lamu.

In the meantime, the national government should be prepared to put out all stops to enforce security and peace by arresting all local militias, those guilty of hate speech and murder and other crimes, and forcing people to be peaceful in this election period. Unfortunately, one suspects that the central government mandarins are more concerned in securing their immediate and midterm political and economic futures to do much.

7 THINGS YOU SHOULD LOOK FOR IN A PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE

The general elections are supposed to be held sometime next year, and as a result, the field of presidential candidate is growing by the week. The constitution of Kenya article 137 has the qualifications that one must fulfill so as to allow them to get nomination, and because clause 1) (c) allows the nomination of independent candidates, and nomination of two thousand voters, virtually any Kenyan can declare interest.
Kenyan citizens have greeted some of the candidates with ridicule and brushed them away without scrutinizing them, and their policies. This is a negative attitude that promotes propaganda, weakening of the debates between candidates, tribalist chiefs being approved by Kenyans almost unquestioningly, and an unhealthy dependence on opinion polls to tell us who the best candidates are.
I think we should carefully scrutinize the presidential candidates before writing off or rubber stamping anyone as the winner, and some of the things we should look at are as follows:
1. Principles and beliefs
Every person has their own principles that they fight for in their lives, whether it is fighting for gender equality, rights of the disabled, marginalized communities or even acquiring as much wealth s possible. Thus, every candidate will base their candidature on a certain agenda based on their beliefs, whether it is kufuata nyayo, economic development or equality.
It is important that we scrutinize each candidate’s principles and beliefs, so that we can see how these are in line with the national values, interests and vision 2030.
2. Professional and economic background
This is important so as to give us inkling on what special interests, if any, the candidate would represent once in government, and what special abilities the candidate will bring to the office. A farmer by profession would be expected to bring that expertise to the job, while at the same time focusing more on the agriculture sector.
3. Ideological leanings
Ideology is becoming an increasingly important part of Kenyan politics. Whether this is ultimately a positive or negative development is a topic for another day, but each candidate must tell Kenyans where he stands in terms of role of the government in promoting development, the role of faith in the state and drafting of laws and policies, their policies towards the LGBIT group, and what they think the role of Kenya should be in the international relations,
4. Track record
The track record of the candidate in terms of what they have done in their previous capacities to promote democracy, human rights, peace and unity among all Kenyans, and respect for the rule of law, has to be investigated. Those who were silent during the fight for democracy, and against the dictatorship of Kenyans first 2 presidents, and to some extent even the second, cannot be trusted as courageous, principled and democratic candidates.
5. Organization of the campaign
The way the presidential candidate organizes his campaign tell a lot on how they would run their administration. How the candidate uses social media such as facebook or twitter, handling of propaganda and attacks from other candidates, and coherence and realism of the campaign promises, as well as the efficiency of their campaign can tell us how the candidate would handle opposition, use new technology in governance of the country, and run the cabinet.
6. Brushes with the law, if any
Many Kenyan politicians have spent their time in court, either for corruption charges, allegations of crimes against humanity, fighting for democracy and freedom, or organizing protests against dictatorial regimes etc. we should look at these brushes with the law so as to gain insight to the personal characters of the candidates, and their track record in fighting for the democracy (or against it) that we take for granted.
7. Transparency about campaign funding
The campaign websites of every candidate should tell us how they have acquired their funds. This is important because it will show us which candidates promote transparency. It will also educate us on any special interests either inside or outside Kenya, including the business class, religious groups, trade and labour groups.

It is my view that should we scrutinize each candidate this way, we will make much more informed choices on our government, as well as reduce tribalism and ethnic chauvinism. It will also remove the joy riders who may seek to use the pluralism and relative ease in which someone may vie for the most powerful political office in the land.
We as Kenyans must remember is that the constitution stipulates, in article 38 (3), (c) That every adult citizen has the right without unreasonable restrictions to be a candidate for public office, or office within a political party of which the citizen is a member and, if elected, to hold office. We should not discriminate against any candidate who has declared interest for the seat on any ground including race, sex, ethnicity or religion, as long as the said candidate fulfilled all the requirements of the constitution, and is a responsible leader.